5 takeaways from German CDU chief’s vision for Europe

German chancellor’s presumptive political heir lays out vision for Europe, but offers nothing new.

BERLIN — Annegret Kramp-Karrenbauer has a message for Europe: Have your cake.

In what was billed as a response to Emmanuel Macron’s rallying call last week for a European “Renaissance,” Kramp-Karrenbauer, leader of Germany’s Christian Democrats and presumptive political heir to Angela Merkel, over the weekend offered her own vision — “Getting Europe right” — for an EU plagued by internal divisions and external threats.

But unlike the French president, who spelled out dreams of “more Europe” ahead of May’s European Parliament election, Kramp-Karrenbauer’s ideas sounded like more of the same.

For a politician who in recent days has presented herself as a teller of hard truths, the 2,000-word op-ed was perfectly Merkelian, full of vague pronouncements that raised more questions than answers.

Instead of challenging Germans to make tough choices on their future in Europe, Kramp-Karrenbauer reassured them they could have their cake and eat it too.

Even as she called for more convergence across a range of areas (from financial services to R&D), she argued that “European centralism” and communalization of debt must be avoided at all costs.

She wants Europe “to remain transatlantic and at the same time become more European.”

She endorsed the idea of protecting Europe’s strategic capabilities in the commercial arena, but also wants to preserve the EU’s competition rules.

And when it comes to EU decision-making, she argued Brussels shouldn’t try to usurp member countries’ power — the EU apparatus and the national capitals should have equal weight so that Europe can “stand on two equal pillars.”

Put another way, she wants to maintain the status quo.

Here are five takeaways on Kramp-Karrenbauer’s proposals.

1. The Franco-German engine will remain, if not in neutral, in a low gear

While Macron and Kramp-Karrenbauer appear to agree on the platitudes (“Europe must become stronger”), there’s less unity on the details.

Kramp-Karrenbauer’s ideas on Europe bear a strong resemblance to the policies of Merkel and more broadly reflect the long-standing consensus among the Christian Democrats.

That’s not surprising, but should put any lingering expectations to rest that the CDU party boss (should she succeed Merkel to lead the country) might step outside of the chancellor’s shadow.

That said, there are areas of overlap between Macron’s and Kramp-Karrenbauer’s visions that taken together would represent significant reform, if not the great leap forward many argue is necessary.

It’s worth noting, however, that none of these ideas — such as proposals for a common border patrol and asylum system, and the establishment of a “European Security Council” — are new.

2. The euro is destined to remain Europe’s problem child

The most glaring omission in Kramp-Karrenbauer’s exposition is the euro. In the eyes of many observers, Europe’s future will depend in large part on whether it can repair the structural problems in the eurozone, which contributed to the debt crisis that ensnared Greece and other countries nearly a decade ago. With the eurozone crisis now in remission, France and Germany have been unable to bridge their differences. Macron made a series of proposals on eurozone reform in a speech at the Sorbonne in 2017, but left the currency out if his latest reform blueprint.

The closest Kramp-Karrenbauer got to the euro in her essay is an endorsement of a “common internal market for banks,” an apparent reference to Europe’s banking union. What she didn’t say is whether she supports region-wide deposit insurance, a key aspect of the EU’s plan to gird the eurozone against future financial shocks. Germany has so far resisted that step because it would leave Germans on the hook for bank failures in other countries.

3. Merkel is chancellor in name only

That it was Kramp-Karrenbauer, who took over as CDU leader in December, and not Merkel who crafted a response to Macron indicates the chancellor’s authority is diminishing by the day. Under Merkel, Europe has always been Chefsache, executive privilege. But with the stability of her government in doubt, party elders are eager to establish Kramp-Karrenbauer’s authority ahead of the next national election.

4. National governments rule

Notwithstanding her comments about Europe standing on “two pillars,” Kramp-Karrenbauer left no doubt about where her sympathies lie in the eternal debate over European federalism. “There is no version of a European superstate which can live up to the goal of a Europe made up of sovereign member states, and able to take action,” she wrote. “The work of the European institutions cannot claim any moral superiority over the collaborative effort of national governments.”

She also took a swipe at the European Parliament’s second seat in Strasbourg and tax breaks for EU civil servants (“anachronisms”). While that might just be posturing ahead of the EU election, Kramp-Karrenbauer didn’t so much as hint that she wants to give Brussels more influence.

5. Europe is as exposed as ever to outside forces

The most striking feature of Kramp-Karrenbauer’s essay is its lack of creativity or ambition.

She begins by asking: “Do we want our future to be determined by the strategic decisions of China or the United States, or do we want to play an active role in shaping the rules of future global coexistence?”

She doesn’t offer an answer.

The chancellor-in-waiting’s big idea? “A European aircraft carrier.”

Kramp-Karrenbauer describes the carrier as a “symbolic project.”

If so, it may not deliver the message she intends on a Continent often said to be slow off the mark and stuck in the past.